Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification

Legal and Political Research Vol 11, N°01, June (2026) / 467-481 Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification الدبلوماسية الجزائرية في سياق التحوالت الجيوسياسية الراهنة: دراسة في دبلوماسية منتصف الدائرة وتنويع الشركاء Liamine Bensaadoune* University of May 8, 1945 – Guelma, Algeria [email protected] Date of send:20/02/2026 Date of acceptance:24/05/2026 Date of publication ;11/06/206 ــــــــــــــــــــ ـــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ ــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ Abstract: Richard Haass characterizes the current era as "organized chaos," marking the post-Cold War order's collapse. This ambiguous transition, intensified by the pandemic Covid 19 and emerging powers, drives pragmatic competition to shape a new international order. Actors face potential strategic ascendancy or disorientation within this volatile landscape. This study examines Algerian diplomacy's "mid-circle approach and partner diversification" as a response. Anchored in international law and peace, this strategy safeguards Algeria's independence, security, and sovereignty. It grants maneuverability in political and economic relations without compromising international obligations. Crucially, the approach insulates Algeria from alliance polarization and pole- based alignment. By diversifying partners, Algeria avoids bias constraining strategic ambitions or exposing it to pressure or sanctions from dominant powers. Ultimately, this framework enables Algeria to navigate the emerging global order freely, maintaining sovereignty amidst geopolitical uncertainty while avoiding the pitfalls of bipolar competition. Keywords: Algeria; Diplomacy; Foreign Policy; Mid-Circle Approach; Partner Diversification; International System; Geopolitics.

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 868 *Corresponding author (Research Laboratory: Unity and diversity of security implications in the Mediterranean region, Batna 1 University. Introduction The contemporary international system is undergoing accelerated—and at times perplexing—geopolitical transformations with both anticipated and unforeseen repercussions on state sovereignty, strategic calculations, and even the existential futures of numerous nations. While powerful states orchestrate this fragmentation/reordering to design their short-, medium-, and long-term strategies, they remain comparatively less affected than other states that essentially function as instruments of this process without consideration for their agency. Within imperial logic and the perspective of dominant powers, parity in sovereignty, ambition, and strategy is not permitted for subordinate actors—despite the existence of charters and legal frameworks that ostensibly regulate international relations and the global order. From this standpoint, many states—particularly those of the Global South, including Algeria—must thoroughly comprehend the approaches and discourses governing international relations in order to marshal diverse forms of power and preparedness to preserve their existence, safeguard their sovereignty and independence, and secure their strategic interests. Algeria recognized decades ago that positive integration into the international system would yield meaningful results only through cultivating a distinctive Algerian identity within that system. Consequently, Algeria has consistently affirmed in its official charters the immutable principles of its foreign policy and its diplomatic trajectory grounded therein—as a comprehensive framework guiding its patterns of international engagement and interaction, and enabling astute and competent navigation of the international system‘s varied geopolitical transformations. Within this framework, and with notable professionalism, Algeria has adopted several diplomatic approaches, most prominently ―mid-circle diplomacy‖ and ―partner diversification diplomacy.‖ Algeria regards these approaches as appropriate and sufficient for effectively addressing all international developments of relevance to it—thereby circumventing emergent crises, pressures, and coercive bargaining while preserving its strategic interests and the sovereignty of its decision-making. Consequently, the following research problem may be articulated: How can Algeria, through the adoption of a 'mid-circle' diplomatic approach (diplomatie du juste milieu) and the strategic diversification of its international partnerships, effectively contribute to safeguarding its core strategic interests within the context of ongoing global geopolitical transformations? The significance of this study lies in its illumination of Algeria‘s capacity to leverage the principles of its foreign policy and its diplomatic traditions in responding to geopolitical shifts at regional and international levels. It examines Algeria‘s efforts to extricate itself from restrictive and inequitable cooperative frameworks—both bilateral and multilateral—and to instigate a genuine diplomatic uprising through the adoption of renewed (yet historically rooted) approaches. These enable Algeria to

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 869 activate ―mid-circle diplomacy and partner diversification‖ strategies and to reassess the nature of its political and cooperative international relations at regional and global levels. To situate this study within appropriate methodological and theoretical frameworks, the research employs a historical approach to review relevant events and uncover their contexts in relation to Algeria‘s foreign policy regionally and internationally. Additionally, it draws upon realist and liberal theories, dependency theory, rational choice theory, and Global South perspectives to analyze Algeria‘s assertion of autonomy, its maintenance of equidistant relations from pole powers, and its diversification of strategic partnerships. Firstly: Algerian Diplomacy – A Conceptual Approach Algeria ranks among the very few states that have remained steadfast to the principles of their foreign policy in diplomatic practice and international relations. Diplomatic activity constitutes the translation of the ensemble of policies and practices that Algeria pursues in its relations with other states and international organizations, with the objective of advancing its national interests and enhancing its international standing. 1. Immutable Principles of Algeria’s Foreign Policy and Diplomatic Practice Observers of Algerian diplomacy—which emerged from the womb of the revolution at the 1955 Bandung Conference and is imbued with values of liberation and revolution—note its continued fidelity to its philosophical foundations and principles despite evolving domestic and international contexts and accelerating geopolitical transformations influenced by clashing interests among major and emerging powers, alongside rising suspicion, distrust, and systemic disarray within the international order. Among the most significant principles enshrined in Algeria‘s Constitution and National Charter are: 1 - Refraining from the use of force against the legitimate sovereignty of other peoples: This principle constitutes a substantive operationalization of the inviolability of state sovereignty and the territorial integrity of nations, in strict conformity with the peremptory norms of international law. - Adherence to the principle of neutrality and non-intervention in the internal affairs of states: Through this tenet, Algeria institutionalizes its policy of strategic neutrality by abstaining from involvement in extraneous regional or international disputes, thereby safeguarding its national security imperatives and preserving the coherence of its diplomatic doctrine. - Support for just national liberation movements, decolonization, and the right to self-determination: This commitment emanates from Algeria's own revolutionary heritage and reflects its philosophical paradigm centered on

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 874 emancipation, sovereign autonomy, and the inalienable right of peoples to freely determine their political status. - Advocacy for economic emancipation, sustainable development, and equitable international cooperation: This objective underscores Algeria's strategic pursuit of completing the process of comprehensive liberation for formerly colonized nations and establishing a just, inclusive, and multipolar global economic order. - Endorsement of peaceful settlement of international disputes and conflicts: This position articulates Algeria's normative conviction that sustained diplomatic engagement, multilateral dialogue, and institutional mechanisms constitute the most efficacious means for the prevention and resolution of interstate tensions. - Opposition to racial discrimination in all Its manifestations: This stance embodies Algeria's steadfast adherence to universal humanistic values—principles for which it historically struggled and continues to advocate—as essential prerequisites for the advancement of global justice, equality, and fundamental freedoms. - Promotion of international cooperation and the development of friendly relations among states based on equality and mutual benefit: This principle elucidates Algeria's persistent diplomatic endeavor to foster a rules-based international system predicated on equitable partnerships, reciprocal interests, and the collective preservation of shared global concerns. - Endorsement of the charter of the United Nations and Its purposes and principles: This commitment signifies Algeria's full integration into the multilateral institutional framework and its dedication to reinforcing the pillars of international peace, collective security, and cooperative global governance. - Respect for and strengthening of international law: This principle consolidates Algeria's image as a law-abiding, responsible state actor, demonstrating its institutional compliance with international legal norms and its proactive contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. 2. The Concept of Mid-Circle Diplomacy The conceptual designation of this approach—termed "Middle Circle Diplomacy"—may alternatively be referenced in scholarly discourse as Pivot Diplomacy, Balanced Diplomacy, or Non-aligned Diplomacy. Collectively, these terminologies denote a diplomatic praxis characterized by strategic non-alignment vis-à-vis global poles or hegemonic powers within the international political system. In essence, this framework affords Algeria substantial strategic autonomy and discretionary latitude in conducting its sovereign affairs and managing its international relations. Stated differently, this approach enables Algeria to position itself at equidistant or proximate relational distances from dominant powers within the international order. This strategic posture is underpinned by several foundational pillars: (1) adherence to a principled policy of permanent non-alignment; (2) the

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 874 operationalization of active neutrality, particularly in the management of regional dossiers; (3) the strategic deployment of accumulated diplomatic credibility—derived from Algeria's historical mediation roles—in addressing select international crises; and (4) steadfast commitment to the foundational principles, normative traditions, and diplomatic conventions that have historically guided Algerian foreign policy, including unwavering respect for the Charter of the United Nations and the corpus of international law. This strategic approach operates across multiple interrelated dimensions: • Geopolitical: Shielding Algeria from the structural imperative of bloc alignment, thereby mitigating associated political costs and strategic entanglements; • Economic: Facilitating the diversification of international cooperation partnerships to enhance developmental resilience and reduce dependency; • Diplomatic: Enhancing Algeria's international image as a balanced, credible, and sought-after interlocutor—as well as a trusted regional mediator and constructive stakeholder; • Security-Military: Reinforcing national sovereignty through the consolidation of autonomous security and defense capacities. Collectively, these dimensions constitute a coherent strategic doctrine aimed at maximizing Algeria's agency, preserving its strategic autonomy, and optimizing its role within an increasingly multipolar and contested international system. Mid-circle diplomacy may also signify an intelligent strategy of attraction and influence employed by certain global powers—economic or military—to enhance security, stability, and prosperity within their immediate geopolitical spheres, as exemplified by China in East and Southeast Asia through ASEAN and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Such strategies aim to achieve national security, economic stability, enhanced attraction and influence, and flexibility in crisis management. 3. The Concept of Partner Diversification Diplomacy Among the diplomatic approaches adopted by Algeria in managing its political, economic, and military affairs at the international level is ―partner diversification diplomacy‖—a strategy based on multiplying partners and expanding the scope of cooperative partnerships internationally, targeting diverse states, organizations, actors, and institutions. This enables the state to avoid narrow, limited cooperation frameworks and closed geopolitical spaces, thereby enjoying a flexible and broader margin of maneuver while evading risks, pressures, and coercive bargaining. This strategy avoids dependence on a limited number of partners or allies, thereby preempting contingencies within bilateral relations, the emergence of tensions or crises with partners that could directly or indirectly impact the state‘s strategic interests. It also provides the state with broader opportunities for cooperation and diversified gains—economic, security-related, technological, etc.— while aiming to reinforce decision-making autonomy, enhance sovereignty, and protect national achievements2. Additionally, it multiplies opportunities and options

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 874 to bolster negotiation and understanding efforts, facilitates adept management of foreign relations during crises and emergent geopolitical shifts, and elevates the state‘s geopolitical standing through extensive presence and reliable engagement that enhances its credibility and stature regionally and internationally. Secondly: Course Correction – Manifestations of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partner Diversification in Algeria’s International Relations The regional and international political and geopolitical context has been characterized by the rise of multifaceted security challenges (broadly conceived), necessitating diplomatic adaptation and responsive engagement. Consequently, governing authorities—particularly at the presidential institution and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—have instigated a revolution in the discourses and approaches underpinning Algeria‘s diplomatic practice. This new paradigm is grounded in sovereignty, security, and development3, and incorporates approaches emphasizing parity, flexibility, mid-circle positioning, and partner diversification—while remaining committed to the principles of Algeria‘s foreign policy and its positive regional and international role. Algeria‘s foreign policy approaches are not tactical maneuvers responding to temporary circumstances; rather, they constitute a strategic diplomatic framework embedded within the principles of Algeria‘s foreign policy, which itself is rooted in a doctrine inherited from the Great Liberation Revolution. Hence, Algeria has historically maintained neutrality on ideological strategic issues dividing East and West. Its advanced cooperation with the former Eastern Bloc and with Russia and China today does not signify participation in great-power rivalry or hostility toward the West; rather, it reflects fidelity to the assistance received from the East during the liberation revolution and in building the Algerian state following the restoration of national sovereignty. This positioning enables Algeria to maintain considerable balance in its relations between East and West—adhering strategically to the mid-circle approach—thereby preserving excellent relations with the East and cordial relations with the West, as dictated by national interests and executed with diplomatic acumen. This has been clearly manifested in Algeria‘s political and diplomatic activity, particularly in the post–COVID-19 phase, through the President‘s engagements, the Foreign Minister‘s intensive movements, and Algeria‘s positions on regional and international issues4. The Russian war on Ukraine—despite creating a context wherein neutral stances proved difficult to sustain—nonetheless witnessed Algeria skillfully abstaining from voting to condemn Russia following the invasion and opposing Russia‘s expulsion from the Human Rights Council. Although Western states expressed some discontent with Algeria‘s position, this did not sever ties with the West, with which Algeria maintains predominantly political, strategic, and economic relations of sufficient depth and scope to preclude marginalization. On the contrary, European and Western actors harbor concerns about losing Algeria as a

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 874 reliable partner in positions and commitments—especially following Russian sanctions on Europe regarding gas and energy supplies5 —prompting numerous European leaders and officials to approach Algeria as a savior and alternative to Russian gas. The rise of energy as a diplomatic instrument and determinant of foreign policy, coupled with the diversification and distribution of foreign investments in Algeria— offered equally to investors from East and West with realism, pragmatism, and ideological neutrality to preserve Algeria‘s positions and balance—has been reflected in the generally favorable reception of Algeria‘s stances by both Eastern and Western actors. This has enabled Algeria to navigate diplomatically across multiple directions regionally and internationally—with minimal obstacles—and to operate effectively and with high-quality outcomes across the Arab world, Africa, and the Mediterranean basin, generally with the acquiescence of both Eastern and Western powers. Algeria‘s mid-circle positioning as a diplomatic approach has thus secured acceptance from both sides, enabled adept management of international relations, and facilitated Algeria‘s astute and intelligent integration into the arrangements of the post–COVID- 19 order and the post–Russia-Ukraine war system. For example, President Abdelmadjid Tebboune announced during a televised address—a regular meeting with the national press—that Algeria was reviewing its partnership agreement with the European Union clause by clause6. This demand initially failed to resonate sufficiently among EU states, aware as they were of their need for Algerian energy and Algeria‘s potential to leverage this as a bargaining instrument. Nevertheless, Algeria has maintained its image as a reliable, contract- abiding energy partner. The diplomatic acumen lay in Algeria‘s adept exploitation of the new international context driving revision of the current international system‘s management of energy affairs and EU partnership—evidenced by its application for BRICS membership followed by last-minute withdrawal. This constituted a strategic tactic to shield Algeria from American pressures, given that BRICS may adopt political positions antagonistic to America and the West and could face severe retaliatory measures potentially costing Algeria significant gains and endangering national security. Yet intelligently, Algeria can secure investments from BRICS states—exceeding what member states might receive—while avoiding confrontation with the West by joining the BRICS New Development Bank. This enables Algeria to benefit economically, financially, and technologically without political alignment with BRICS positions—a shrewd positioning allowing Algeria to access trade and economic facilities and integrate into emerging regional and global trade, currency, and financial systems anticipated in coming decades7. This sophisticated balancing between East and West ensures that the latter recognizes how its constraints on Algeria within partnership agreements and contracts may threaten its own interests in the short and medium terms—given Algeria‘s membership in the BRICS Bank, an institution that rivals (and in some

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 878 indicators surpasses) the West8. This mid-circle approach generally prevents the West from sacrificing its relations and interests with Algeria merely because Algeria maintains comparable political and economic relations with Russia and China. Another diplomatic approach has emerged prominently in Algeria‘s foreign policy since President Tebboune assumed office—epitomized by his forceful declaration that cooperation with partners, regardless of identity, would be conducted on a basis of parity, expressed through the phrase ―I am significant‖ (Ana Kebir). This stance was swiftly manifested in Algeria‘s reaction to French President Emmanuel Macron‘s remarks questioning ―whether an Algerian state existed prior to French colonial rule‖ and asserting that ―Algeria‘s military-political system rewrote the history of colonization based on hatred of France”. 9 Algeria‘s response was swift and shocking to France: recalling its ambassador and closing its airspace to French military aircraft. French authorities had not anticipated such a forceful reaction, unaccustomed as they were to it despite previous insults toward Algeria. Subsequent rapid statements from President Macron and senior French officials expressing regret—claiming his remarks were misunderstood and that he never intended to insult Algeria, emphasizing his good relations with President Tebboune—failed to secure the ambassador‘s return or suspension of the airspace closure decision10. This compelled French authorities to actively seek reconciliation and mutual visits, while the memory/history file resurfaced as a central unresolved issue between the two countries. Algeria relented only after extracting concessions from French pride, compelling President Macron to retract his condescending language and even ordering French media to cease its usage— motivated not by affection for Algeria or President Tebboune, but by pragmatic preservation of French interests. The crisis resurfaced with France following its unlawful and unethical stance on the Western Sahara issue and its exploitation of the Boualem Sansal affair as a pretext to impose a series of retaliatory measures against Algeria. Algerian authorities seized this opportune moment to recalibrate French arrogance and restore it to appropriate proportions. This operation was not circumstantial but part of the new strategic framework for engagement—shedding French influence through partner diversification and projecting Algeria‘s genuine political, economic, and military stature. With the elevated stature of Algerian diplomacy and its geopolitical weight, Algeria has finally recognized its possession of political and economic pressure instruments rendering it a pivotal actor—especially given the highly conducive regional and international context. The successive visits of European leaders and foreign ministers to Algeria seeking energy contracts and agreements—with Algerian consent—demonstrate the new standing Algeria has carved for itself. This context has compelled France to relentlessly endeavor to repair relations with Algeria, having no viable alternative—particularly as competition and rivalry have intensified.

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 874 Not far from France, a similar episode unfolded with Spain, with which Algeria had maintained ideal strategic cooperation in political and economic domains—until the Spanish Prime Minister endorsed the so-called ―Moroccan Sahara‖ in March 202211. President Tebboune condemned this as ―morally and politically unacceptable,‖ Algeria recalled its ambassador, and the situation escalated to Algeria suspending its Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with Spain12. Regardless of Spain‘s motivations—which it likely did not consider directly relevant to Algeria—it must be noted that neither Spain nor the European Union nor NATO anticipated a comparable decision from a Global South state. The move shocked political circles regionally and internationally, revealing an unfamiliar dimension of Algerian foreign policy through a decision of such magnitude and significance—undertaken only with calculated alternatives and astute exploitation of the geopolitical circumstances affecting the European region. Algeria‘s reaction delivered a genuine shock to the Spanish parliament, political parties, and public opinion. The decision‘s credibility and sovereignty were further reinforced by Algeria‘s exclusion of gas contracts from the suspended cooperation— thereby assuring partners of Algeria‘s refusal to leverage or blackmail partners through energy contracts. What truly afflicted Spain was its resort to mobilizing the EU and NATO to pressure Algeria—without success—since most Algerian-Spanish cooperation agreements fell outside the EU partnership framework. Algeria thus added its Spain decision to its France decision, affirming that the parity approach and partner diversification constitute the new modality for safeguarding state sovereignty, security, and interests. Concurrently, Algeria has concluded strategic cooperation agreements across multiple domains with Turkey, Italy, Germany, and Slovenia—diversifying its strategic partnerships regionally to foster balance and competition vis-à-vis France and Spain. Indirectly, Algeria has created ―veto cards‖ within the EU and NATO frameworks—within the mid-circle approach—counterbalanced by strategic agreements with Russia and China. Thirdly: The Uprising of Algerian Diplomacy Amid Current Geopolitical Transformations – Gains and Challenges Algeria‘s positions may exhibit flexibility according to the prioritization of interests; it may reverse decisions following changes or reviews serving the nation‘s supreme interests while preserving security and sovereignty. This occurred during the French crisis and similarly during the Spanish crisis, which witnessed thawing after the Spanish Prime Minister‘s September 2024 statement affirming Spain‘s position that both parties should find a solution to the Sahara issue within the UN framework13. Algerian diplomacy does not transform circumstantial decisions into permanent, non-negotiable positions; flexibility remains essential when national interests are at stake—provided core principles of Algeria‘s foreign policy and diplomatic traditions remain intact.

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 876 Regarding the current crisis stemming from France‘s recognition of Morocco‘s position on Western Sahara—and despite the shared, painful historical legacy and France‘s longstanding influence in Algeria—Algeria engaged France with unprecedented parity rarely witnessed from a Global South state toward a European power possessing Security Council veto rights. Reciprocal treatment enabled Algeria to compress decades of French influence and entrenchment within Algeria. Thus, through a diplomatic uprising, Algeria elevated the threshold of engagement with France—sending a message to other states to revise their diplomatic discourses toward Algeria. Even France‘s recourse to EU institutions to pressure Algeria proved ineffective due to member states‘ diverse interests with Algeria and rising nationalist selfishness undermining institutional solidarity14. This latitude was unavailable to Algeria without astute strategic assessment of its diverse capacities and intelligent exploitation of the regional and international geopolitical context— resulting from the Russia-Ukraine war, Europe‘s multifaceted and expanding crisis, Donald Trump‘s return to the U.S. presidency (disrupting international relations through statements and decisions), and the international system‘s drift toward multipolarity. France—which for decades served as the primary driver of EU decisions concerning Southern Mediterranean and African states—found itself isolated facing an Algeria no longer part of France‘s colonial legacy managed according to French interest. Algeria never sought a crisis with France nor prolongation of the current crisis; rather, it conveyed a message ensuring its voice is heard loudly—working to shape its position on the global geopolitical stage with full sovereignty, competence, and dignity—as a credible, fully sovereign, qualified, and dignified partner. Consequently, most active European states and Eastern and Western powers view Algeria as occupying a complex nexus where diplomacy, energy, and geopolitics intersect—evidenced by European competition to invest and conclude energy contracts, Russian military and diplomatic support, massive Chinese investments, and growing Algerian-American rapprochement increasingly alarming Europe more than America‘s Eastern adversaries. The outcome: the intensification of the Algerian-French crisis reinforced strategic cooperation with Italy across diverse fields, powerfully revived cooperation with Spain, and opened competition for other European powers—led by Germany, Belgium, Slovenia, and Turkey—to expand cooperation with Algeria and elevate investment levels. Regarding Algeria‘s relations with the three global poles (Russia, China, and the United States), these relations are complex and difficult to comprehend: How can Algeria maintain quasi-balanced relations with these ideologically, economically, and militarily antagonistic poles? How do pressures from France and threats from proxy actors enhance Algeria‘s strength and reinforce its relations with other powers? Clearly, these powers—and to a lesser extent the EU—manage a systemic competitive phase targeting the restructuring, management, and leadership of the

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 877 international system. While direct confrontation may be absent, proxy engagement may catalyze change in leadership hierarchies stemming from dissatisfaction with strategic positions and interests perceived as mismatched with leadership capacities within this system15. How, then, can Algeria engage these powers to secure its place within this desired international order? Herein lies political distinction and diplomatic acumen. Algeria‘s relations with these powers are longstanding, distinctive, and differentiated. Algeria was never distant from these states in its external engagements since regaining national sovereignty and integrating into the international system and society—relations tracing back to the liberation revolution and earlier. Each of these three current powers held distinctive positions regarding the liberation revolution. Regarding the United States—whose relations with Algeria date to America‘s independence from Britain in the late eighteenth century—its stance initially aligned with the Algerian people‘s right to self-determination, as articulated by Senator John F. Kennedy in a July 1957 Congressional address: ―French and American politicians agreed several years ago to consider the Algerian problem outside global issues; yet reality has forcefully demonstrated that the evolution of African nationalist movements has rendered Algeria an international issue inevitably concerning the United States.‖ 16 This discourse disrupted French political agendas and was highly welcomed by the FLN and its New York activities. Despite Kennedy‘s subsequent retreat after assuming the presidency, his stance established a historic gesture toward the national cause. Algerian-American relations commenced following Algeria‘s independence, witnessing distinctive cooperation milestones in energy, diplomacy (Algerian mediation in freeing American hostages in Tehran), security coordination, and counterterrorism. Yet these relations never reached the depth and breadth of Algeria‘s Russian and Chinese counterparts—which were historically deeper and wider. The September 11, 2001 attacks transformed American perceptions of Algeria on security and counterterrorism fronts—the diplomatic entry point revitalizing distinguished cooperation. Since then, these relations have continuously deepened and expanded according to a sovereign Algerian perspective respecting relations and interests with other poles. Algeria welcomes all cooperation and partnership with the United States that preserves its sovereignty and decision-making autonomy without compromising relations with others—a message Americans understood well following multiple visits by U.S. officials (Deputy Secretaries of State and U.S. Africa Command leadership), enabling expanded cooperation in defense, energy, agriculture, science, and technology.17 A Washington Institute report by Dr. Sabina Henneberg, Director of the Junior Research Program, titled ―Strategic U.S. Engagement with Algeria: A Pathway amid Shifting Global Dynamics‖ (30 pages)18, affirms Algeria‘s status as a future U.S. destination for multiple reasons:

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 878 - Washington has deeply invested in bilateral relations as Algeria signaled willingness to activate these relations; - Like many states, Algeria has sought to reap benefits from China‘s expanded global economic participation; - Algeria may importantly serve as a key security partnership hub in volatile and unstable regions. Generally, this report elaborates the paramount importance for the United States to cooperate through a respectful perspective acknowledging Algeria as a genuine partner—through agreements across multiple domains. It underscores Algeria‘s significant capacities and urges the United States to accelerate relationship enhancement before Russia and China secure everything—while maintaining proximity to Algeria given its rising geopolitical stature in recent years. Algeria, in turn, exploits this rapprochement desire to harvest geopolitical and strategic gains— beyond economic, technological, security, and defense benefits—without harming relations with other powers, especially China and Russia. Concurrently, Algeria maintains deep historical strategic relations with Russia and China spanning nearly all sectors. Despite international relations realism prioritizing interests, Algeria‘s relations with these two poles transcend mere interest calculations to incorporate solidarity and trust built and consolidated since independence. Prioritizing its strategic interests, Algeria professionally employs the mid-circle approach in managing its diversified relations with Russia, China, and the United States—without displaying alignment. Even apparent tilts toward the East remain insufficient to disrupt Algerian-American relations, which Algeria continuously endeavors to refine—especially given the volatility of international geopolitical dynamics where ―friends may diverge and adversaries may converge.‖ Algeria thus carefully calibrates distances of proximity and remoteness from these powers. Indeed, Algeria enjoys robust relations with Russia and China—translated into numerous projects and advantages across multiple sectors—yet always with reservation whenever Algerian sovereignty and decision-making autonomy are concerned. This was clearly manifested during the President‘s visits to the Russian Federation and the People‘s Republic of China: the volume of signed agreements and promised investments did not influence Algeria‘s positions on numerous issues concerning these powers. Algeria expressed its stances with full sovereignty regarding Taiwan, the Russian war on Ukraine, and Western sanctions on Russia. Even the timing of these visits conveyed a message to the world affirming Algeria‘s commitment to its customary diplomatic path and sovereign movement. Alternatively, the genius of Algerian diplomacy resides in its calmness, responsibility, and absence of haste—evident in Algeria‘s powerful advocacy at the UN Security Council and General Assembly without favoritism, provided its foreign policy principles and international law are respected. Even when American and Western actors express discontent with these interventions, they comprehend and

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 879 rationalize them—because Algeria has skillfully imposed itself at a moment when global powers recognize their need to consolidate and enhance relations with it. The capacity to manage domestic affairs effectively and adeptly deploy smart power— integrating hard and soft power—has forged for Algeria a geopolitical reality that intelligently aligns with current global geopolitical transformations. Despite Algerian diplomacy‘s high competence in managing Algeria‘s international relations and strategic interests to date, it may confront several challenges: - Difficulty maintaining balanced ―mid-circle‖ diplomacy regarding pole attraction, since pole powers themselves generate these geopolitical transformations and their interests may converge at certain levels within unexpected geopolitical contexts; - Escalating and expanding security threats across all borders—terrorism, crime, irregular migration—raising defense and diplomatic vigilance requirements to sever their pathways and decouple their trajectories; - The viability of energy as a high-importance geopolitical instrument in the event of price collapse and global market volatility—impacting revenues, financing, and geopolitical deployment, potentially generating contexts limiting maneuverability, bargaining capacity, and decision-making autonomy; - Sordid schemes orchestrated in Algeria‘s vicinity by proxy hands aiming to undermine security and stability in Algeria and the region (―Morocco‘s, UAE‘s, France‘s, and the Zionist entity‘s machinations on our southern borders‖); - Difficulty preserving the current diplomatic trajectory amid sudden geopolitical shifts or emergence of perplexing regional and international contexts. Conclusion : In conclusion, this study yields the following findings: - Algerian diplomacy has remained—and continues to remain—faithful to the philosophy of the liberation revolution, the principles of its foreign policy, and its diplomatic traditions; - Algeria is not the sole practitioner of mid-circle diplomacy, but among the few states adept at managing it competently—with recognition from pole powers themselves; - Algeria has circumvented numerous obstacles and managed several crises through diplomatic virtuosity in diversifying political, economic, and military partnerships and investments; - Algeria has demonstrated capacity—through calm and responsible diplomacy—to manage disputes with European powers with full parity without endangering national and strategic interests; - Internal political and economic transformations have generated notable shifts in foreign policy and diplomatic practice;

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 884 - Algerian diplomacy has adeptly exploited regional and international contexts without compromising its diplomatic traditions; - Through commitment to international law and steadfastness to its diplomatic principles, Algeria is establishing a unique diplomatic philosophy commanding respect and credibility; - Algeria‘s adoption of these approaches constitutes an uprising in diplomatic practice—appearing highly effective; - Skillful management of Europe‘s energy crisis through activation of these new approaches has elevated Algeria‘s diverse gains; - Further diplomatic ascendance for Algeria is anticipated—securing its sovereignty, security, and interests while elevating its global standing. Recommendations : - Enhance the volume of gains and implement domestic public affairs reforms to reinforce confidence and diplomatic achievements externally; - Establish a strategic thinking and foresight center/institute to accompany and advise decision-makers; - Upgrade capacities and competencies of security, intelligence, and media apparatuses; - Conduct precise and real-time monitoring of international affairs to confront any emergent regional or international geopolitical contingency and engage it effectively. Margins: 1 People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, Constitution of 2020, Articles 26, 27, and 28. 2 Ammar Lachemout, ―Algeria and the Diversification of International Partners: What Diplomatic and Economic Gains?‖ available at: https://ultraalgeria.ultrasawt.com. 3Algerian Press Service (APS), ―Government Action Plan,‖ available at: https://www.aps.dz/algerie/101415-plan-d-action-du-gouvernement. 4 Abdennour Bentoumi, ―The New Algerian Doctrine: Will Tebboune Succeed in Reshaping His Country‘s Foreign Policy?‖ ArabicPost.net, June 17, 2022, available at: www.arabicpost.net/opinions/2022/06/17, accessed on August 17, 2025. 5 Ibid. 6 Abderrazek Ben Abdallah, ―Algeria: Revising the Agreement with the European Union Clause by Clause,‖ Anadolu Agency, available at: https://www.aa.com.tr/ar. 7 Daniel Melhem, ―What Is Algeria‘s Interest in Joining BRICS?‖ France 24, available at: www.france24.com/ar/. 8 Liamine Bensaadoune, Imperial Tendencies in International Relations in the 21st Century: A Study on Imperialism and the Struggle for Influence, PhD Thesis, University of Hadj Lakhdar, Batna1, 2021–2022, p. 176.

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Liamine BENSAADOUNE Algerian Diplomacy in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitical Transformations: A Study of Mid-Circle Diplomacy and Partnership Diversification 884 9 Sky News Arabia, Abu Dhabi Agency, ―After His Remarks on Algeria, Macron ‗Regrets the Misunderstanding,‘ available at: www.skynewsarabia.com/middle-east/1477794, accessed on August 17, 2025. 10 Ibid. 11 France 24, ―Spain‘s Shift on Western Sahara: A Risky Move Without Guarantees,‖ available at: www.france24.com/ar/. 12 Ahmed Hassan, ―Algeria Suspends the Treaty of Friendship, Good Neighborliness, and Cooperation with Spain,‖ Swissinfo.ch, available at: www.swissinfo.ch/ara/47658506/. 13 Elham Mohamed, ―Signs of a Thaw in Algerian-Spanish Relations,‖ Al Jazeera, February 23, 2025, available at: https://www.aljazeera.net/politics/2025/2/23/, accessed on August 18, 2025. 14 Liamine Bensaadoune, ―Europe‘s Energy Crisis and the Future of the European Union,‖ Journal of Legal and Political Research, Vol. 7, No. 2, p. 230. 15 Jamal Abdeldjawwad, The International System in 2023: More Conflicts, Less Cooperation (Cairo: Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, 2023). 16 Abdelhaq Kerkeb, ―John F. Kennedy and His Positions on the Algerian Cause (1954–1962),‖ Journal of Asr Al-Jadid, Vol. 11, No. 3, 2021, p. 378. 17 Elham Mohammed, ―What Is the Future of U.S.-Algeria Partnership After Trump‘s Return?‖ Al Jazeera, 2025, available at: www.aljazeera.net/politics, accessed on August 23, 2025. 18 Sabina Henneberg, Strategic U.S. Engagement with Algeria: A Pathway Amid Shifting Global Dynamics, The Washington Institute, available at: https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/sites/default/files/pdf/PolicyNote159Henneberg.pdf, published July 11, 2025, accessed on August 23, 2025.

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